The fate of the country’s historic peace process – and its impact on Colombians living in a fragile truce – may well hang in the balance. Both candidates have said they will support the implementation of the peace process, but the detail of this support is not always clear. This naturally worried those most affected by the conflict, who worked hard to negotiate peace.
The two women played different roles in the campaigns. Márquez – who, after leading women in his community to protest illegal mining and community eviction, has been a public figure in Colombia since the 2010s – said rallied against
the country’s political and economic status quo during the election campaign. Márquez has long championed women’s rights, economic empowerment programs and access to land for the poor.
Little is known
about Castillo, who has no history in politics. She is a recent addition to Hernández’s campaign
and has not made many public appearances, although in media interviews she has spoken about promoting access to education.
Beyond a woman to the right of the president, what can Colombians – and especially Colombian women who have endured the longest armed conflict in the Western Hemisphere – expect from their future leaders?
A history of conflict-related violence
Women in Colombia have suffered disproportionately during more than 50 years of conflict between government forces, guerrillas and paramilitary groups. Yet women also played an important role as peacemakers in ending this conflict and rebuilding their communities in its wake.
Sexual violence was widely used to gain social and territorial control. The most recent data from the documents of the Colombian victim registry more than 31,000 cases
of reported sexual violence. millions of women
were also affected by forced displacement, many of them assuming economic responsibility for their families after the death of their husbands, and had to flee their homes and communities.
Studies have shown that displaced women are at high risk
gender-based violence, including sexual violence. As a direct result of the gendered fallout from the conflict, gender equality figured prominently in peace agreements – as did recognition of the need for racial and ethnic justice
Women played important roles
during the negotiations, even forming a ‘Gender Sub-Committee’
a single space made up of FARC, government and civil society representatives and intended to ensure that all experiences of conflict are recognized and taken into account in the final agreement.
When finalized, Colombia’s Final Accord included commitments in key areas, including rural reform, security and protection guarantees, and victims’ rights.
“The recognition of racial, ethnic and sexual discrimination as underlying forces in the conflict, and the inclusion of provisions to address them directly…has been a hard-won achievement by civil society, especially women, LGBTIQ, Afro-Colombians and indigenous organizations,” wrote Lisa Davis, associate professor of law at the City University of New York, in the Review of Columbia’s Human Rights Laws
Davis added, “Afro-Colombian organizations, with strong leadership from Afro-Colombian women, have developed a vision for the peace process that recognizes and redresses historic injustices and discrimination against them, including gender discrimination. gender-based, in order to ensure an inclusive and lasting peace.
Yet the conservative government of Iván Duque, which came to power in 2018, has yet to implement 42 of the 133 gender commitments that were agreed upon, according to tKroc Institute
responsible for monitoring the implementation of the Agreement.
Speaking more broadly about the deal, a Washington-based research and advocacy organization wola wrote
on the fifth anniversary of the accords that “implementation of the accord has gone worse than expected and opportunities to break the cycle of violence are evaporating”.
Although the the peace agreement is legally binding
the rigor with which it is applied is subject to the interest of the government in place.
Petro and Marquez have a clear outline
how they plan to implement the peace process if elected. While Hernández and Castillo also say they will implement it, their promises are more vague. Hernández has already gone under international media review
because what the critics are saying is the gap between the campaign and the man behind the campaign. CNN, for example, reports that while “Hernández’s clearest argument was his promise to ‘get rid of corruption'”… [he] has had its own issues with corruption allegations – and some are ongoing.” Hernández denied the charge, which is expected to go to court next month, saying, “Under the current laws, every candidate can be sued by n ‘anyone.”
For their part, the social leaders with whom I have spoken in recent weeks are not convinced that the implementation of the process would be a central objective of the Hernández government, which means that the security conditions in rural areas could remain the same or even become more dangerous.
The search for peace and the denunciation of drug trafficking, the recruitment of children into armed groups and environmental degradation have come at great cost to Colombian women leaders.
Since seven years, I researched how women
pursue justice in high-risk settings. During this period, I have heard dozens of accounts of activists being threatened, targeted and attacked.
Many women I interviewed, often followed closely by their government-issued bodyguards, said that not only did the 2016 peace process never materialize, but the threats they faced are more intense than ever
Their names have, for example, been included in public death threats issued by armed groups with a simple message: stop their social activism or die. As a result, many no longer live in their home communities, isolating themselves from their families to protect their children.
Last week, a colleague
and spent time with Afro-Colombian women leaders in northern Cauca province, a conflict region in the southwest of the country, where Márquez herself was born and began her activism. Over the past few weeks, many of these women have told me that they have received death threats by phone or text message. Some say they narrowly survived assassination attempts.
Community leader Doña Tuta suffered a worse fate. She was murdered
in nearby Cali last week. She is the latest in a long line of women human rights defenders who have lost their lives in Colombia since the signing of the peace accords.
For grassroots Colombian women leaders across the country, what is at stake in these elections is their ability to live safely in their communities. Whether, how and when the next president will actually implement the peace accord could be the difference between life and death for them.
The peace process is more important than ever
Although Colombia is now a post-conflict state on paper, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) continues to rise
while other armed groups continue to clash violently.
Colombia now has the third highest number
internally displaced people in the world, second only to Syria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Latin American state was described by Reuters
as “the most dangerous country in the world for environmentalists”.
When the FARC demobilized in 2016, other armed groups took their place. Competing for control of valuable resources like coca and illegal mining, and transportation routes, these groups intensified
their targeting of social leaders who were promote the implementation
peace agreements in their communities.
Petro and Marquez Platform
acknowledges that women suffered in particular ways during the conflict. He promises to fully implement the peace agreement with the FARC and will focus on rural land reform, protection guarantees and environmental protection, which are essential for women to have the opportunity to earn an income. and provide for their families.
Hernández also said he would implement the peace deal and seek an agreement with the National Liberation Army, the country’s largest left-wing guerrilla group, known by its Spanish acronym, ELN. Compared to Donald Trump
partly for his controversial comments
including on the role of women as “ideally…[devoting] to raise children,” Hernández did not specify, however, how the unique needs of women would be included in this implementation of the peace process.
Polls stay tight
t before Sunday’s vote. Colombians are frustrated with the country’s current economic crisis, rising levels of violence and diminishing opportunities. Thus, beyond gender issues, Petro is campaigning for profound social and economic change
while Hernández focuses on post-pandemic growth and the fight against corruption
The vast and urgent needs of Colombian women – and especially Afro-Colombian and indigenous women – may not necessarily be at the forefront of the upcoming elections, but it is clear that all Colombians hope for change
. For the at-risk leaders I work with, change can’t come soon enough.